When he lost the 11 others in his squad, he lost a 2nd family —and his zeal for the war

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THE LAST MARINE:
When he lost the 11 others in his squad, he lost a 2nd family —and his zeal for the war

Associated Press reporter Antonio Castaneda was with Marines in Lima
Company, 3rd Battalion, 25th Regiment, 4th Division, when they led an
offensive into the city of Haditha in late May. And he returned to the
area after an August blast killed 14 Marines — and shortly before
the unit began demobilizing to return to the United
States
Marine Lance Cpl. Travis Williams, right, on break during an offensive in Haditha, Iraq, on May 29.

By Antonio Castaneda
Associated Press Writer

HADITHA
DAM, Iraq — Cpl. David Kreuter had a new baby boy he’d seen only
in photos. Lance Cpl. Michael Cifuentes was counting the days to his
wedding. Lance Cpl. Nicholas Bloem had just celebrated his 20th
birthday.

Travis
Williams remembers them all — all 11 men in his Marine squad
— all now dead. Two months ago they shared a cramped room stacked
with bunk beds at this base in Northwest Iraq, where the Euphrates
River rushes by. Now the room has been stripped of several beds, brutal
testament that Lance Cpl. Williams’ closest friends are gone.

For
the 12 young Marines who landed in Iraq early this year, the war was a
series of hectic, constant raids into more than a dozen lawless towns
in Iraq’s most hostile province, Anbar. The pace and the danger bound
them together into what they called a second family, even as some began
to question whether their raids were making any progress.

Now,
all of the Marines assigned to the 1st Squad, 3rd Platoon, Lima
Company, 3rd Battalion, 25th Regiment, based in Columbus, Ohio, are
gone — all except Williams. They died in a roadside bomb set by
insurgents on Aug. 3 that killed a total of 14 Marines. Most of the
squad were in their early 20s; the youngest was 19.

“They
were like a family. They were the tightest squad I’ve ever seen,” said
Capt. Christopher Toland of Austin, Texas, the squad’s platoon
commander. Even though many did not know each other before they got to
Iraq, “They truly loved each other.”

All
that is left now are photos and snippets of video, saved on dusty
laptops, that run for a few dozen seconds. As they pack up to return
home by early October, the Marines from Lima Company — including
the squad’s replacements — sometimes huddle around Williams’
laptop in a room at the dam, straining to watch the few remaining
moments of their young friends’ lives. Some photos and videos carry the
squad’s adopted motto, “Family is Forever.”

In
one video, Lance Cpl. Christopher Dyer, who graduated with honors last
year from a Cincinnati area high school, strums his guitar and does a
mock-heartfelt rendition of “Puff the Magic Dragon” as his friends
laugh around him.

In a
photo, Kreuter rides a bicycle through a neighborhood, swerving under
the weight of body armor and weapons, as Marines and Iraqis watch and
chuckle.

Each video
ends abruptly, leaving behind a blank screen. Some are switched off as
soon as they start — some images just hurt too much to see right
now.

Insurgent hunt

The
August operation began like most of the squad’s missions — with a
rush into another lawless Iraqi city to hunt insurgents and do
house-to-house searches, sometimes for 12 hours in temperatures near
120 degrees.

On Aug.
1, six Marine snipers had been ambushed and killed in Haditha, one of a
string of river cities that line the Euphrates, filled with waving palm
trees. Two days later, Marines in armored vehicles, including the 1st
Squad, rumbled into the area to look for the culprits.

Like
other cities in this region, Haditha has no Iraqi troops, and its
police force was destroyed earlier in the year by a wave of insurgent
attacks. Marines patrol roads on the perimeter and occasionally raid
homes in the city, which slopes along a quiet river valley.

Commanders
say insurgents have challenged local tribes for control and claim
Iraq’s most wanted terrorist, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, once had a home
here.

Since their
arrival in February, the Marines had spent nearly all their time on
such sweeps or preparing for them, sometimes hurrying back to their
base to grab fresh clothes and then heading off again to cities that
hadn’t seen American or Iraqi troops in months.

Surprised by combat

The
intense pace of the operations, and the enormous area their regimental
combat team had to cover — an expanse the size of West Virginia
— caught some off guard.

The combat was certainly not what the 21-year-old Williams had expected.

“I
didn’t ever think we’d get engaged,” said the soft-spoken, stocky
Marine from Helena, Mont. “I just had the basic view of the American
public — it can’t be that bad out there.”

In
some sweeps, residents warmly greeted the Marines. But in others, such
as operations in Haditha and Obeidi near the Syrian border, the squad
members met gunfire and explosions. In the Obeidi operation in early
May, another squad from Lima Company suffered six deaths. Williams
himself perhaps saved lives, once spotting a gunman hidden in a mosque
courtyard, said Toland, the platoon commander.

The
night before the Aug. 3 operation, an uneasy Toland couldn’t sleep.
Instead he spent his last night with his squad members talking and
joking, trying to suppress worries the mission was too predictable for
an enemy that knew how to watch and learn.

“I had concerns that the operation was hastily planned and executed, with significant risks and little return,” Toland said.

The
road had been checked by engineers and other units, Marine commanders
say. But insurgents had been clever — hiding the massive bomb
under the road’s asphalt.

Massive blast

Several Humvees first drove over the bomb, but the triggerman in the distance apparently waited for a vehicle with more troops.

Then,
as the clanking sound of their armored vehicles neared, a massive blast
erupted, caused by explosives weighing hundreds of pounds.

It threw a 26-ton Amphibious Assault Vehicle into the air, leaving it burning upside-down.

The
blast was so large that Toland and his radioman, Williams —
traveling two vehicles ahead and not injured — thought their
vehicle had been hit by a bomb.

They scrambled out to inspect the damage, but instead found the blazing carnage several yards down the road.

A total of 14 Marines and one Iraqi interpreter were killed.

There
was no time for grieving — not at first. There was only sudden
devastation, then intense anger as the Marines pulled the remains of
their friends from the vehicle.

Then
there was frustration, as they fanned out to find the triggerman.
Instead, they found only Iraqis either too sympathetic toward the
insurgency, or too afraid, to talk.

Although
the bomb had been planted in clear view of their homes, residents
claimed they had seen nothing of the men who had spent hours digging a
large hole several feet deep and concealing the bomb.

It was a familiar — and frustrating — problem.

“They
are totally complacent with what’s going on here,” said Maj. Steve
Lawson of Columbus, Ohio, who commands Lima Company. “The average
citizen in Haditha either wants a handout, or wants us to die or go
away.”

Intelligence scarce

In
a war where intelligence is the most valued asset, the Marines say few
local people will divulge “actionable” information that could be used
to locate insurgents.

Some Iraqis apparently fear reprisal attacks from militants. Many just want to stay out of the crossfire.

Others
hate the Americans enough to protect the insurgents: Marines say
lookouts in cities would often launch flares as their vehicles
approached.

In this
region ruled by Sunni tribal loyalties, few voted for the new Central
Iraqi government, and many suspect the U.S. military is punishing them
and empowering their longtime rivals, the Shiites of the south and the
Kurds of the north.

“From
a squad leader’s perspective, the intelligence never helped me
accomplish my mission,” said Sgt. Don Owens, a squad leader in Lima
Company from Cincinnati, who fought alongside the 1st Squad throughout
their tour.

“Their intelligence is better than ours,” Owens said.

Sobs in the night

The
first night after the attack, Williams couldn’t sleep. He stayed near
his radio, listening to the heavy sobbing of fellow Marines that
punctured the night around him.

He thought of his best friend, Lance Cpl. Aaron Reed, a 21-year-old with a goofy demeanor and a perpetual smile, now dead.

A
world without his second family had begun. The young men Williams had
planned to meet up with again, back in the States, had vanished in a
matter of minutes.

He was alone.

Yet
from a military standpoint, it was important to press on to show the
enemy that even their best hits couldn’t stop the world’s most powerful
military.

The Marines were ordered away from the blast site, to hunt insurgents, just one hour after the explosion.

They
stayed out for another week, searching through dozens of homes in the
nearby city of Parwana and struggling to piece together intelligence
about who had planted the bomb.

“I pushed them back out the door to finish the mission,” said Lawson. “They did it, but they were crying as they pushed on.”

As
word spread back in the United States that 14 men had been killed, the
Marines on the ongoing mission couldn’t even, at first, contact their
families to let them know they had survived.

Progress questioned

Marine
commanders say the large-scale raids in western Anbar province have
kept the insurgency off-balance, killing hundreds of militants and
leaving a dwindling number of insurgent bases in the area.

They
say the sweeps are critical to beat back the insurgent presence in
larger cities such as Ramadi and Baghdad, where suicide bombings have
been rampant.
But, among some Marines and even officers, there are doubts whether progress has been made.

The
insurgents lurk nearby — capable of launching mortars and suicide
car bombs and quietly re-entering cities soon after the Marines return
to their outskirt bases.

“We’ve
been here almost seven months and we don’t control” the cities, said
Gunnery Sgt. Ralph Perrine, an operations chief in the battalion from
Brunswick, Ohio. “It’s no secret.”

Even
commanders acknowledge that with the limited number of U.S. and Iraqi
troops in the region, the mission is focused on “disrupting and
interdicting” the insurgency — that is, keeping them on the run
— and not controlling the cities.

‘Maintenance work’

“It’s maintenance work,” said Col. Stephen W. Davis, commander of all Marine operations in western Anbar.

“Because
this out here is where the fight is, while the success is happening
downtown while the constitution is being written and while the
referendum is getting worked out. . . . If I could bring every
insurgent in the world out here and fight them all day long, we’ve done
our job.”

For Williams, the calculation is much more visceral and personal.

“Personally,
I don’t think the sweeps help too much,” he said quietly on a recent
day, sitting in a room at the dam, crowded with Marines resting from a
late mission the night before.

“You find some stuff and most of the bad guys get away
. . . . For as much energy as we put in them, I don’t think the output is worth it,” he said.

Thoughts of home

Williams, a Marine for three years, has decided not to re-enlist.

Instead, in these last days in Iraq, he thinks of home and fishing in the clear streams of Montana.

He hopes to open a fishing and hunting gear shop once he returns and complete his bachelor’s degree in wildlife biology.

He looks forward to seeing his mother, his only surviving parent, and traveling to her native Thailand this fall.

He said his “best memory” will be the day he leaves Iraq. His only good memories, he said, are of his friends:

Of Dyer, 19, an avid rap music fan who would bop his head to Tupac Shakur.

He played the viola in his high school orchestra and had planned to enroll in a finance honors program at Ohio State University.

Of
Reed, his best friend. He was president of his high school class from
Chillicothe, Ohio, and left behind a brother serving in Afghanistan.

Of
Cifuentes, 25, from Oxford, Ohio. He was enrolled in graduate school in
mathematics education and had been working as a substitute teacher when
he was deployed.

“I think the most frustrating thing is there’s no sense of accomplishment,” Williams said.

“You’re biding your time and waiting. But then you lose your friends, and it’s not even for their own country’s freedom.”


Copyright 2005 THE DECATUR DAILY. All rights reserved.
AP contributed to this report.

–>


Copyright 2005 Associated Press.

You know your country is in trouble when…

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  1. The UN has to open a special branch just to keep track of the chaos and bloodshed, UNAMI.
  2. Abovementioned branch cannot be run from your country.
  3. The politicians who worked to put your country in this sorry
    state can no longer be found inside of, or anywhere near, its borders.
  4. The only thing the US and Iran can agree about is the deteriorating state of your nation.
  5. An 8-year war and 13-year blockade are looking like the country’s ‘Golden Years’.
  6. Your country is purportedly ‘selling’ 2 million barrels of oil
    a day, but you are standing in line for 4 hours for black market
    gasoline for the generator.
  7. For every 5 hours of no electricity, you get one hour of public
    electricity and then the government announces it’s going to cut back on
    providing that hour.
  8. Politicians who supported the war spend tv time debating whether it is ‘sectarian bloodshed’ or ‘civil war’.
  9. People consider themselves lucky if they can actually identify the corpse of the relative that’s been missing for two weeks.

Crooks And Liars Has The Fran Townsend Scoop

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tsr-townsend-ubl.jpgHere’s the video to Nicole’s post from before about Fran Townsend and her deep state of denial.

Video WMP  |  Video MOV 

Townsend said something else that I thought warranted its own post:

TOWNSEND: Look, we can’t do it alone.
We understand from the intelligence that he’s most likely in the tribal
areas. They are inaccessible. They’re difficult to reach. It’s
difficult terrain. And, oh, by the way, it’s part of the sovereign country of Pakistan.

I’ve heard this argument made time and time again, yet it never ceases to amaze me. Even though it is widely accepted
that bin Laden is hiding out in the remote areas of Pakistan, the fact
that they are a “sovereign county” precludes our troops from entering
and taking care of business. Are you kidding me? President Bush even
reiterated this point back in September, telling Wolf Blitzer
that he wouldn’t send troops into Pakistan unless he was “invited” to
do so because Pakistan is a “sovereign nation.” With all due respect to
Our Dear Leader, Iraq too was a “sovereign nation” but that didn’t stop
him from invading and deposing a leader who (a) didn’t attack us and
(b) posed no threat to our national security.

So, as Saddam Hussein awaits execution, the man actually responsible for 9/11 and the deaths of 3000 Americans remains free. What’s more, he’s being protected by our favorite dictator ally in The War on Terror, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf, whose sovereignty we respect so much.

White House Tries To Hide Age of Grand Canyon

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Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility:

Grand Canyon National Park is not permitted to give
an official estimate of the geologic age of its principal feature, due
to pressure from Bush administration appointees. Despite promising a
prompt review of its approval for a book claiming the Grand Canyon was
created by Noah’s flood rather than by geologic forces, more than three
years later no review has ever been done and the book remains on sale
at the park, according to documents released today by Public Employees
for Environmental Responsibility (PEER).

“In order to avoid offending religious fundamentalists, our
National Park Service is under orders to suspend its belief in
geology,” stated PEER Executive Director Jeff Ruch. “It is
disconcerting that the official position of a national park as to the
geologic age of the Grand Canyon is ‘no comment.'”

In a letter released today, PEER urged the new Director of the
National Park Service (NPS), Mary Bomar, to end the stalling tactics,
remove the book from sale at the park and allow park interpretive
rangers to honestly answer questions from the public about the geologic
age of the Grand Canyon. PEER is also asking Director Bomar to approve
a pamphlet, suppressed since 2002 by Bush appointees, providing
guidance for rangers and other interpretive staff in making
distinctions between science and religion when speaking to park
visitors about geologic issues.

In August 2003, Park Superintendent Joe Alston attempted to
block the sale at park bookstores of Grand Canyon: A Different View by
Tom Vail, a book claiming the Canyon developed on a biblical rather
than an evolutionary time scale. NPS Headquarters, however, intervened
and overruled Alston. To quiet the resulting furor, NPS Chief of
Communications David Barna told reporters and members of Congress that
there would be a high-level policy review of the issue.

According to a recent NPS response to a Freedom of Information
Act request filed by PEER, no such review was ever requested, let alone
conducted or completed.
Read on…

The Best Books of 2006

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Salon: Editor’s Picks for 2006 (watch a short ad for a site pass)

Amazon.com: Editors’ Top 50; Customers’ Top 50

Publisher’s Weekly: Best Books of the Year

Washington Post: Book World Holiday–Editor’s Top Ten

Time Magazine: 10 Best Books  

NY Sun: The Year’s Best Books

Times UK: The 10 best books of 2006

"Well, I'm not sure — it's a success that hasn't occurred yet. I don't know that I view that as a failure"

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Homeland Security Department Adviser Fran Townsend was on the
Situation Room to speak about Iraq and the War on Terror.  Bless
her little heart, she tried to spin it as best as she could for the
administration, but since reality is well known for having a liberal
bias, her attempts fell rather on the pathetic side.  I’m going to
try to get video for it (John’s having some connectivity issues related
to the power outages earlier), but here are the transcripts, courtesy of CNN:

HENRY: But now as 2006 ends, Osama bin Laden is
still at large. Heading into 2007, how confident are you that he can be
brought to justice this coming year?

TOWNSEND: Well, there’s no question in my mind that he’ll be
brought to justice. The real question is whether or not it’s going to
be this year. I will tell you that I feel increasingly confident, you
know, it was interesting. There’s a recent poll and the American people
said 71 percent of them were optimistic that we can protect the country.

And I think they’ve got reason to be optimistic. We’ve made a
lot of progress. They see the progress we’ve made. We’ve disrupted
plots. We’ve made reforms in our system, in our security system. So on
bin Laden, do I think we are going to get him? I absolutely know we’re
going to get him.

The question is will it be this year. And I will tell you I
think there’s increased activity both the part of the CIA, JSOC and our
partners, the Pakistanis.

HENRY: You know, going back to September 2001, the president
said, dead or alive, we’re going to get him. Still don’t have him. I
know you are saying there’s successes on the war on terror, and there
have been. That’s a failure.

TOWNSEND: Well, I’m not sure — it’s a success that hasn’t occurred yet. I don’t know that I view that as a failure.

GAO Calls Pharmaceutical Industry's Bullshit

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TIME :

Whenever critics complain about the high cost of
prescription drugs, the pharmaceutical industry’s standard defense is
that companies have to plow so much money into researching innovative
new medicines. But a recently released report from the Government
Accountability Office casts doubt on that rationale. Yes the industry
is spending heavily on R&D, the GAO found, but it turns out big
pharma isn’t actually generating such a good return on their
investments.

The congressional watchdog agency’s 48-page study came up with
disturbing numbers. From 1993-2004, spending by U.S. drug companies on
research and development jumped 147%, from $16 billion to nearly $40
billion annually. But the number of applications the pharmaceutical
firms submitted to the Food and Drug Administration for potentially
groundbreaking new drugs during that 10-year period increased only a
meager 7%. And since 1995, the applications for these innovative drugs
have been dropping each year. “The productivity of research and
development investments has declined,” the GAO concluded.

Read on… 

The paramountcy of neoconservatism and Joe Lieberman

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Glenn Greenwald:

The paramountcy of neoconservatism and Joe Lieberman

American political conflicts are usually described in terms of “liberal
versus conservative,” but that is really no longer the division which
drives our most important political debates. The predominant political
conflicts over the last five years have been driven by a different
dichotomy — those who believe in neoconservatism versus those who do
not. Neoconservatism is responsible for virtually every significant
political controversy during the Bush administration — from our
invasion of Iraq to the array constitutional abuses perpetrated in the
name of fighting terrorism — and that ideological dispute is even what is driving the war
over Joe Lieberman’s Senate seat. It is not traditional conservatism or
liberalism, but rather one’s views on neoconservativsm, which have
become the single most important factor in where one falls on the
political spectrum.

Like a bad satire of The First Two Rules of The Fight Club, neoconservatives used to vehemently deny that there even was such thing as “neoconservatism,” even going so far as to smear
anyone who used the term as being anti-semitic. But with every aspect
of their foreign policy in shambles, and due to (an understandable)
fear that they will be blamed for these disasters, neoconservatives are
assertively coming out of the closet — for self-defense reasons if no
other. They are insisting that neoconservatism hasn’t failed, but
rather, it has been failed, by those who lack the necessary
resolve, courage and brutality to do the dirty work that has to be
done. In short, they are demanding more war, more militarism, and more
barbarism, and are claiming that the reason for our foreign policy
failures is because — thanks to the Chamberlian-like cowardice of
virtually everyone other than them — we don’t have nearly enough of
all of that.

Bill Kristol yesterday complained in The Weekly Standard that the
Bush administration is getting pushed around by Iran, Syria, North
Korea and even that dove-ish General Casey, who wants slowly to
withdraw from Iraq. Because of this collective weakness, our enemies
“must be feeling even less intimidated,” and as a result, the lines
drawn by American foreign policy are no longer drawn in warrior red,
but instead are weak, effeminate “pink lines and mauve lines.” Kristol
has a long roster of other countries on whom we have to wage war, or at
least credibly threaten to wage war, and our cowardice and lack of
resolve is responsible for every failure, from Bush’s political
collapse at home to anti-American animosity around the world:

But
hey, we’re in sync with the EU-3 and the U.N.-192. And our secretary of
state–really, the whole State Department–is more popular abroad than
ever. Too bad the cost has been so high: a decline in the president’s
credibility around the world and sinking support for his foreign policy
at home.

A few weeks ago, Michael Rubin lamented in this
magazine that Bush’s second term foreign policy had taken a Clintonian
turn. But to be Clintonian in a post-9/11 world is to invite even more
danger than Clinton’s policies did in the 1990s.

To
neoconservatives like Kristol, Americans have abandoned the President
and the U.S. has lost credibility around the world because we have been
insufficiently militaristic and belligerent. We haven’t
threatened and invaded enough countries, and we are too eager to leave
Iraq. To underscore the claim that the Bush administration’s failure is
a lack of commitment to neoconservative principles, Kristol
even hurls the ultimate insult: Bush has become “Clintonian” in his
foreign policy because he is too weak and eager to negotiate with the
long list of countries on whom we need to wage more war.